David Baxter PhD
Late Founder
Gender Differences in Coping With Victimization
by Diane L. Green, PhD; Naelys Diaz, PhD
Brief Treat Crisis Interv. 2008;8(2):195-203.
07/10/2008
Abstract
Individuals who are victims of crimes cope differently to reduce, tolerate, or master the victimization and ensuing emotional distress. It is unclear whether there are gender differences in regard to the stress and coping process among victims of crime. The current study examines gender differences in victimization experiences. This article examines gender differences in coping strategies, levels of depression, posttraumatic stress disorder, anger, anxiety, social support, and well-being of victims of violent and nonviolent crimes. A community sample of 175 victims of different types of crimes were recruited and interviewed face-to-face. The findings suggest different relationships between types of coping strategies and well-being by gender.
Introduction
According to the United States Department of Justice (2006), over 23 million people experienced crime in 2005. Although murders were the least frequent violent victimization, recent reports indicate a rise in murders for 2005. In 2005, 3,12,470 personal crimes were committed against males, whereas 2,273,320 were committed against females. Consequently, there is currently a growing convergence of humane, scientific, and public policy concerns regarding the needs and consequences of crime on victims, and understanding the gender-specific differences in coping with victimization is important. In Helping victims of violent crime: Assessment, treatment and evidence based practice, Green and Roberts (in press) begin the process of understanding one of the most serious problems in our time enabling us to find more humane and effective ways to assist the thousands of crime victims in the country.
They state:
Literature Review
Early coping research focused on the individual or personal factors related to coping patterns (Folkman & Lazarus, 1980). In the past two decades, coping research, while recognizing that individuals may have preferences for certain coping strategies, began to stress the importance of examining the situational context of coping choices (Billings & Moos, 1981; Folkman & Lazarus, 1988; Green, Streeter, & Pomeroy, 2005; Stone & Neal, 1984).
Folkman and Lazarus (1980) found very little differences between men and women regarding their coping strategies. These differences are highlighted below:
Through research and media attention, both social scientists and the general public have begun to realize the emotional and psychological effects of crime on victims. Most violent crime victims experience psychological as well as physical harm (Green & Pomeroy, 2007a; Norris & Kaniasty, 1994; Roberts & Green, 2007). Previous research indicates that psychological problems including depression, anxiety, and posttraumatic stress disorder are the primary result of a crime. Although the negative effects of stressful situations are clearly documented in research, the stress and coping processes among victims of crimes remain unclear. In an attempt to gain an understanding of these processes, both distress and well-being need to be examined. The aim of the current study is to examine gender differences in regard to coping strategies, levels of distress, social support, and well-being among victims of violent and nonviolent crimes. Distress is defined as psychological suffering, and in the victim literature, PTSD, anxiety, anger, and depression are the most often cited symptoms. As such, level of distress is defined as the manifestation posttraumatic stress, anger and/or anxiety, and depression.
Multiple factors including PTSD, anxiety, anger, and depression have been related to having experienced a violent or nonviolent crime. The most prevalent classification of psychological injury in crime victims' cases is PTSD (Sabbagh, 1995), which is an anxiety disorder. The core relational theme of anxiety is facing an existential threat. Additionally, anxiety often results in the victim questioning their beliefs that the world is a safe place where people get what they deserve out of life (Janoff-Bulman, 1992). Many crime victims describe experiencing high levels of anxiety (Green, Streeter & Pomeroy, 2005; Kilpatrick & Falsetti, 1994) exhibiting physiological anxiety symptoms (rapid heart rate, hyperventilation) and/or cognitive anxiety symptoms (fear of crime, helplessness). These reactions are often considered "flight or fight" responses and have direct impact on coping strategies. An example of this can be seen in the following:
An additional area of the victim's mental health that is particularly salient in understanding their responses to the crime event is the amount of depression exhibited. Kilpatrick (1997) pointed out that virtually all victims of violent crime experience some level of depression. What factors account for some victims' ability to cope effectively with the crime event, while others become overwhelmed and experience depression? The relationship between coping and depression has received increasing interest in empirical research (Endler & Parker, 1990). Several research studies demonstrate the association of emotion-focused coping and depression (Holohan & Moos, 1992; Stanton, Danoff-Burg, Cameron, & Ellis, 1994).
Furthermore, social support has been shown to play an important role in stress resistance and victims' recovery from crime-related psychological trauma (Cohen & McKay, 1984; Green & Pomeroy, 2007c; Hanson, Kilpatrick, Falsetti, Resnick, & Weaver, 1995; Thoits, 1985). Most studies find that support from friends, family, and the community assists in recovery (Hanson et al., 1995; Hobfall, Freedy, Geller, & Lane, 1990; Kaniasty & Norris, 1992). Cutrona and Russell (1990) classify emotional support as most beneficial to victims because it fosters feelings of acceptance and comfort. Material or tangible support and informational support are also identified as helpful in the recovery of crime victims (Cutrona & Russell, 1990). Green & Pomeroy (2005) suggest that social support functions as a deterrent in the experience of depression among victims of crime. Additionally, the interplay between social support and coping appears to have a critical role in successful recovery. Although social support has been shown to be an important protective factor among victims of crime, little is known about its differential effect, if any, for male and female individuals who experience different types of crimes.
Finally, another important factor among victims of crimes in coping with traumatic events has been well-being (Baumeister, 1991; Green & Pomeroy, 2005; McIntosh, Silver, & Wortman, 1993). Folkman (1997) has recently modified transaction coping theory to include the occurrence of both distress and positive adaptation or well-being. She postulates that stressful encounters eventually result in positive well-being and that research needs to incorporate this variable. Thus, assessing for the well-being of crime victims is an important variable to assess when comparing types of crime victims. More importantly, well-being measures do not force the victim to look solely at the negative effects of the crime.
On the basis of the literature review, this study examined gender differences in regard to coping strategies, levels of depression, anxiety, anger, PTSD, social support, and well-being of victims of violent and nonviolent crimes.
See attachment
for full report.
by Diane L. Green, PhD; Naelys Diaz, PhD
Brief Treat Crisis Interv. 2008;8(2):195-203.
07/10/2008
Abstract
Individuals who are victims of crimes cope differently to reduce, tolerate, or master the victimization and ensuing emotional distress. It is unclear whether there are gender differences in regard to the stress and coping process among victims of crime. The current study examines gender differences in victimization experiences. This article examines gender differences in coping strategies, levels of depression, posttraumatic stress disorder, anger, anxiety, social support, and well-being of victims of violent and nonviolent crimes. A community sample of 175 victims of different types of crimes were recruited and interviewed face-to-face. The findings suggest different relationships between types of coping strategies and well-being by gender.
Introduction
According to the United States Department of Justice (2006), over 23 million people experienced crime in 2005. Although murders were the least frequent violent victimization, recent reports indicate a rise in murders for 2005. In 2005, 3,12,470 personal crimes were committed against males, whereas 2,273,320 were committed against females. Consequently, there is currently a growing convergence of humane, scientific, and public policy concerns regarding the needs and consequences of crime on victims, and understanding the gender-specific differences in coping with victimization is important. In Helping victims of violent crime: Assessment, treatment and evidence based practice, Green and Roberts (in press) begin the process of understanding one of the most serious problems in our time enabling us to find more humane and effective ways to assist the thousands of crime victims in the country.
They state:
Currently, there is no generally-accepted paradigm that specifies the pattern of psychological correlates with coping strategies and levels of stress. Understanding the patterns of psychological correlates and how victims cope will inform the development of interventions designed to ameliorate the negative impact of crime and to focus on the successful coping strategies for victims of crime. Uncovering dynamic relationships within the stress and coping process for victims of crime may lead to more effective interventions with more successful adaptation for victims of crime (p. 2).
As such, the focus of the current study is to examine gender differences in coping strategies, depression, anxiety, anger, posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD), social support, and well-being of victims of crime from an intraindividual theoretical approach. The theoretical framework for the study is guided by Lazarus and Folkman's coping theory. The central thesis of this study is that certain individual characteristics, appraisal choices, social support systems, and coping strategies can ameliorate distress and emotion outcome and help victims successfully respond to crime events.Literature Review
Early coping research focused on the individual or personal factors related to coping patterns (Folkman & Lazarus, 1980). In the past two decades, coping research, while recognizing that individuals may have preferences for certain coping strategies, began to stress the importance of examining the situational context of coping choices (Billings & Moos, 1981; Folkman & Lazarus, 1988; Green, Streeter, & Pomeroy, 2005; Stone & Neal, 1984).
Folkman and Lazarus (1980) found very little differences between men and women regarding their coping strategies. These differences are highlighted below:
The most puzzling gender difference was the finding that men used more problem-focused coping than women in situations that had to be accepted. Perhaps men persevere in problem-focused coping longer than women before deciding that nothing can be done; and even when nothing can be done, men may be disposed to think about the problem more than women. (p. 235).
Pearlin and Schooler (1978) concluded:There is a profound imbalance between the sexes in their possession and use of effective mechanisms. Men more often possess psychological attributes or employ responses that inhibit stressful outcomes of large problems; and, in two of the three instances where women more often employ a response, it is likely to result not in less stress, but in more. (p. 15).
Davis (1987) found that women exhibited more trauma than men initially following the crime but that over time this did not hold up. They identified socioeconomic status as a significant predictor of distress, and they concluded that the lower socioeconomic status victims had a slower recovery process.Through research and media attention, both social scientists and the general public have begun to realize the emotional and psychological effects of crime on victims. Most violent crime victims experience psychological as well as physical harm (Green & Pomeroy, 2007a; Norris & Kaniasty, 1994; Roberts & Green, 2007). Previous research indicates that psychological problems including depression, anxiety, and posttraumatic stress disorder are the primary result of a crime. Although the negative effects of stressful situations are clearly documented in research, the stress and coping processes among victims of crimes remain unclear. In an attempt to gain an understanding of these processes, both distress and well-being need to be examined. The aim of the current study is to examine gender differences in regard to coping strategies, levels of distress, social support, and well-being among victims of violent and nonviolent crimes. Distress is defined as psychological suffering, and in the victim literature, PTSD, anxiety, anger, and depression are the most often cited symptoms. As such, level of distress is defined as the manifestation posttraumatic stress, anger and/or anxiety, and depression.
Multiple factors including PTSD, anxiety, anger, and depression have been related to having experienced a violent or nonviolent crime. The most prevalent classification of psychological injury in crime victims' cases is PTSD (Sabbagh, 1995), which is an anxiety disorder. The core relational theme of anxiety is facing an existential threat. Additionally, anxiety often results in the victim questioning their beliefs that the world is a safe place where people get what they deserve out of life (Janoff-Bulman, 1992). Many crime victims describe experiencing high levels of anxiety (Green, Streeter & Pomeroy, 2005; Kilpatrick & Falsetti, 1994) exhibiting physiological anxiety symptoms (rapid heart rate, hyperventilation) and/or cognitive anxiety symptoms (fear of crime, helplessness). These reactions are often considered "flight or fight" responses and have direct impact on coping strategies. An example of this can be seen in the following:
The disruptive effects of high levels of stress in circumstances requiring immediate productive activity are illustrated by the thoughtless action taken by a law enforcement agent during the race riot in Detroit in 1967, as described in the Report of the National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders. A white National Guardsman believed that his own life was in immediate danger from snipers when he heard shots nearby after having been summoned by a night-watchman to investigate looting. Instead of taking cover and watching to see what was going on, he promptly decide to shoot to kill when he caught sight of a black man holding a pistol. The victim turned out to be the night-watchman, who had shot his pistol into the air to scare off the looters (Janis & Mann, 1977, p. 61).
Anger is another factor related to being a victim of crime. Although there is an absence of extant literature on anger, it has begun to receive attention within the victim literature. Anger reflects a pattern of emotional distress that is associated with depression, anxiety, and posttraumatic stress (Deffenbacher & Stark, 1992). Research further suggests that anger indirectly influences coping style and emotional outcome, in part by eroding social support (Green & Pomeroy, 2005; Houston & Vavak, 1991). Because anger is an emotion that occurs frequently in conflict-laden interactions (Averill, 1982), the nature of anger and its effects are critical issues in relation to the successful recovery for victims of crime. Victims tend to demonstrate feelings of vulnerability, frustration, injustice, and anger (Rando, 1993). The importance of anger can be seen in the relationship of anger and levels of distress.An additional area of the victim's mental health that is particularly salient in understanding their responses to the crime event is the amount of depression exhibited. Kilpatrick (1997) pointed out that virtually all victims of violent crime experience some level of depression. What factors account for some victims' ability to cope effectively with the crime event, while others become overwhelmed and experience depression? The relationship between coping and depression has received increasing interest in empirical research (Endler & Parker, 1990). Several research studies demonstrate the association of emotion-focused coping and depression (Holohan & Moos, 1992; Stanton, Danoff-Burg, Cameron, & Ellis, 1994).
Furthermore, social support has been shown to play an important role in stress resistance and victims' recovery from crime-related psychological trauma (Cohen & McKay, 1984; Green & Pomeroy, 2007c; Hanson, Kilpatrick, Falsetti, Resnick, & Weaver, 1995; Thoits, 1985). Most studies find that support from friends, family, and the community assists in recovery (Hanson et al., 1995; Hobfall, Freedy, Geller, & Lane, 1990; Kaniasty & Norris, 1992). Cutrona and Russell (1990) classify emotional support as most beneficial to victims because it fosters feelings of acceptance and comfort. Material or tangible support and informational support are also identified as helpful in the recovery of crime victims (Cutrona & Russell, 1990). Green & Pomeroy (2005) suggest that social support functions as a deterrent in the experience of depression among victims of crime. Additionally, the interplay between social support and coping appears to have a critical role in successful recovery. Although social support has been shown to be an important protective factor among victims of crime, little is known about its differential effect, if any, for male and female individuals who experience different types of crimes.
Finally, another important factor among victims of crimes in coping with traumatic events has been well-being (Baumeister, 1991; Green & Pomeroy, 2005; McIntosh, Silver, & Wortman, 1993). Folkman (1997) has recently modified transaction coping theory to include the occurrence of both distress and positive adaptation or well-being. She postulates that stressful encounters eventually result in positive well-being and that research needs to incorporate this variable. Thus, assessing for the well-being of crime victims is an important variable to assess when comparing types of crime victims. More importantly, well-being measures do not force the victim to look solely at the negative effects of the crime.
On the basis of the literature review, this study examined gender differences in regard to coping strategies, levels of depression, anxiety, anger, PTSD, social support, and well-being of victims of violent and nonviolent crimes.
See attachment
for full report.
